20060109

Brazilian Gothic: a gothic villain in the tropics (Daniel Serravalle de Sá, 2006)

Loredano was suspended over the abyss by his hand; it was in his power to save him or to hurl him into the chasm; yet, even under these circumstances, Ruy feared him. He did not understand the cause of that irresistible terror, but he felt it like an evil spirit besetting him, or a nightmare. Meantime the image of bright and sparkling riches, radiating splendor and magnificence, passed before his eyes and dazzled him; a little courage, and he would be the sole possessor of the fabulous treasure of whose secret the Italian was the depository. But courage was what he lacked. Two or three times he was seized with an impulse to suspend himself to the beam, and let the plank roll into the chasm; it did not go beyond a desire. Finally he overcame the temptation. He had a moment of giddiness; his knees bent, and the plank oscillated so violently that he wondered how the Italian had been able to keep his feet.
Then his fear passed away; it was replaced by a sort of frenzy and rage. His first effort, though involuntary, had given him boldness, as the sight of blood excites a wild beast. A second movement, more violent than the first, agitated the plank, which tilted on the edge of the precipice, but no sound of a falling body was heard, only the noise of the wood upon the rock. Ruy, rendered desperate, was on the point of letting the plank go, when the voice of the Italian, faint and hoarse, scarcely audible in the deep silence of the night, reached his ear. “Are you tired, Ruy? You can take away the plank; I have no further need of it.
(The Guarany, part III, chapter III, p. 90)
Despite Ruy’s attempt to make him fall, Loredano walks over the abyss, suggesting the possession of infernal powers. His feat not only defies the laws of probability but claims mastery over the symbol of destruction. A gothic moment of bewilderment above reason is alluded to. The scene does not come without warning; it is a construction of hints fostered from the very beginning about the villain’s malevolence. The villain is called a condottiere, an ‘adventurer of low extraction’ (p.20) who talks ‘with a slight Italian accent, and a half smile whose expression of irony was concealed by a suspicious air of friendliness’ (p. 5). Alencar capitalizes on the Italian stereotype of the British gothic villain. Although Loredano is eloquent and well-spoken, his foreignness is made to stand out in the accent. Loredano is twice the ‘outsider’, both for being the villain and for not being Portuguese or Indian. His appearance is described in the following way:

A swarthy face, covered by a long black beard, through which his contemptuous smile permitted the whiteness of his teeth to glisten; sharp eyes, a wide forehead, which his broad brimmed hat falling upon his shoulders left uncovered; a tall stature, and a strong, active, and muscular constitution: these were the chief traits of this adventurer. (The Guarany, part I, chapter I, p. 6)

He undergoes a gradual process of ‘animalisation’ which begins with ‘an ardent, hard, incisive look, while his dilated nostrils inhaled the air with the delight of a beast scenting its prey’ (p. 15). This transformation of man into beast becomes more and more frequent. In another moment, it is said that ‘his eyes shone in the darkness like those of a wildcat’ (p. 21). He is also called ‘an enemy perhaps more terrible than the Aymorés, because if these were wild beasts, the other might be a serpent concealed among the flowers’ (p. 35).[1]

As the novel develops, Loredano’s plan is revealed and his treason gains blasphemous contours. His lust for Cecy is so strong that he can say: ‘even when a corpse, contact with this woman must be an infinite delight to me’ (p. 89). With the introduction of necrophilia, he begins to transcend the condition of ‘beast’ to become ‘bestial’. On walking over the abyss Loredano becomes the very devil. The narrator concludes that ‘clearly this man was an infernal spirit, hovering over the abyss, and laughing danger to scorn; a superior being, whom death could not touch’ (p. 90). The control he exercises over some of the adventurers is uncanny, described as an ‘irresistible terror’, ‘a nightmare’. Despite the moment of disorientation, not long after, the narrator comes in again to demystify the action. A Radcliffean solution comes in to elucidate the trick (a safety rope), subordinating the improbable to the physical laws and the fantastic to a rational explanation of the facts. It is remarkable here that while Alencar appropriated some of Radcliffe’s ‘poetical’ gothic, based on pictorial Nature and explained supernatural, his villain’s impious behaviour has great similarities to Lewis’ Ambrosio, as both antagonists cannot control their lust.

Loredano shares this ‘animal’ dimension with the Aymoré Indians. Unlike the continual transformation suffered by the villain, the natives are dehumanised from the beginning, but do not come to personify the devil. The Aymorés’ animal-like appearance and behaviour indicate brutality and total absence of civilized customs. They are the image of a savage country Alencar intends to subdue, the ‘children of the woods’, as they are called below, still in the infancy of the race.

While they were busy with this work a savage pleasure lighted up the sinister countenances of the Aymorés, from which ferocity, ignorance, and thirst for blood, had almost wholly blotted out the human type. Their neglected hair fell over their foreheads, and entirely concealed the noblest part of the visage, created by God as the seat of intelligence and the throne from which the mind is to reign over matter. Their misshapen lips, drawn back by a contraction of the facial muscles, had lost the soft and pleasing expression that laughter and speech impart; from human lips they had been transformed into the mandibles of the beast, accustomed to cries and roars. Their teeth, sharp as the fangs of a jaguar, no longer retained the enamel nature had given them, - weapons as well as instruments of mastication, blood had tinged them with the yellowish hue that the teeth of carnivorous animals have. Their long, black, and hooked nails, the rough and callous skin, made their hands rather terrible claws than the members designed to minister to the wants of man.
Skins of animals covered the gigantic bodies of these children of the woods, who, but for their erect posture, might have been considered some species of quadrumana indigenous to the new world. Some were ornamented with feathers and collars of bones; others, completely naked, had their bodies anointed with oil to keep off the insects.
(The Guarany, part III, chapter VIII, p. 114)
Stylistically, the adjectives become macabre, but they are no less poetic, if understood under an aesthetic of horror. The indigenous description carries ideological implications underpinned by a horror discourse which performed an important function in this sensibility. Here, Alencar employs strategies that connect body with deformation, creating tensions and contrasts. Traditionally, these narrative techniques, which associate flesh with pain, were a basic strategy for the gothic novelist and constituted the very essence of the Burkean sublime.

After the first moment of consternation, the savages, with wild cries, threw themselves in a single mass, like a wave of the sea, upon the Indian who dared to attack them openly. There was a confusion, a dreadful whirlwind of men jostling each other, falling and twisting; of heads rising and disappearing; of arms and backs moving and contracting, as if they were all parts of a single body, members of some unknown monster writhing in convulsions. (The Guarany, part III, chapter VIII, p. 114)
The gargantuan monster of flesh above refers to a dichotomy of civilization and barbarism. This idea runs alongside a discourse of horror which verifies the preference for rational European habits instead of the rudimentary instinct of the native. Alencar’s persuasiveness comes through by skilfully displacing this discussion in the figure of the hero Pery. The intention is to project the ‘rational’ model as a universal standard, above ethnicity and culture, and Pery would exemplify this proposal. Ideally, he is the synthesis of two worlds, incorporating the nobility of the European with the empiricism of the Indian. However, he is hardly recognisable as an Indian character; his behaviour resembles more the codes of honour followed by a medieval knight. He is even called ‘a Portuguese cavalier in the body of a savage’ (p. 17). Pery is a ‘friend’ as long as he upholds these codes. The climax of his cultural defeat happens when he adopts Christianity. Receiving the name of Mariz is his final acceptance of the coloniser’s belief. His direct opposite and counterpart is Loredano, who is ethnically aligned with the Europeans but moves to the uncivilised, paganistic dimension of the Aymorés, bearer of a ‘rage and fury of Satan hurled into the abyss’ (p. 43). Responsible for sabotaging the Portuguese colonisation project, Loredano rebels against the social configuration in the house of Mariz. Greed for fortune and lack of social mobility seems to trigger his discontent. Being the bearer of a treasure map he does not feel he has to submit to aristocratic rules, but his love for Cecy is his disgrace. Since the Aymorés represent uncivilised brutality, the author discards the love-struck, dissatisfied villain, as being inadequate for his project of nation.

Loredano seems to be the only character capable of promoting changes to his fate in a novel where most characters are ‘flattened’ representatives of social function instead of expressing their individuality. In this sense, their psychological processes are inexpressive, the subjective exploration of the soul does not deepen and the characters do not become ‘humanized’, remaining on the level of caricature. To some extent, Loredano’s personality seems to contain a certain degree of antagonism. It is represented in the opposition between a life of purity and sin; the disagreement between spirit and body is a psychological drama inside the contradictory complex that is the human soul.

Looking at elements of the character’s composition, a few aspects link his profile to those conventions established by the early gothic villains: the dark physical complexion, the threatening eyes, the obscure past, the Italian origins and clerical connections, the double identity, the violent inclinations and the excessive greed. Alencar seems to use the villain popularised in the early gothic to stir feelings of estrangement and alterity among Brazilian readers. Like the gothic novelists he is seeking to raise questions of nationality. However, if the concept of ‘foreigner’ was easily recognisable, proposing a patriotic question around which everyone was able to join in, the project needed acclimatising to make sense in a Brazilian reality. While the traditional gothic novel incorporated the subject of British national identity by speaking in the name of a Protestant, democratic, traditional and modern nation, the same could not be simply transferred to Brazil.

Despite absorbing some gothic elements and conventions, The Guarany deviates from the formula principally by not dislocating its national questions. The conflict is set to be resolved inside the country. Loredano’s foreigner condition is made to stand out in his accent and in his usual jargon such as ‘per Dio’ or ‘per Bacco’. Also while all the Europeans in the house have a Portuguese name, the villain is noticed because of his unusual name.
The villain’s newly assumed identity seems to be a reference to the family name of two of the Doges of Venice, but unlike many gothic villains, Loredano is no noble. This constitutes an important distinction between the British and the Brazilian forms. The antagonist’s past is partially revealed in a tense and mysterious chapter, full of torrential rain and lightning. This story is a sub-plot of the main narration, very similar to both the story of Spalatro and the Baróne di Cambrusca in The Italian.[2] The interpolation (metanarrative) here follows the gothic labyrinthine plot structure. These are stories that resist being told and ultimately conceal rather then reveal their intentions. Loredano is the son of a Venetian fisherman, who enters the Capuchin order, perhaps to escape the same fate as the father. He searches for a better social position in society by assuming the priesthood. The former Angelo di Lucca comes to Brazil to work as a Christian missionary, converting Indians. His possible economic deprivation as a child turns into psychological deprivation, a side effect of monastic imprisonment where his sexuality was repressed. This is revealed the day he discovers a map of the silver mines and abandons the habit for a life of adventures. Reborn as Loredano (l’ore dano, the evil metal?), he now goes to pursue the share of woman and wealth the world owes him. His resentment of society surfaces with the possibilities of enrichment, and the beautiful Cecília becomes a repository of his desire for love. Poverty, excessive ambition and sexual abstinence constitute the Alencarian formula for a villain.

Loredano’s humble origins distinguish him from his potential gothic models, Ambrosio and Schedoni. While most gothic villains, at some point in their lives, benefit from riches and prestige, the ambition in Loredano stems from a life of deprivation which points to what he represents in that context. In this sense the villain gains his own personality. Moreover, further differences push Loredano away from his ‘British’ counterparts. While a sudden change of heart assails the British gothic villains, introducing the moralising tone, public confessions and last minute regrets, Loredano remains unchanged in his final moments.

Before obeying Dom Antônio’s order, they had executed the sentence pronounced against Loredano, and any one at that moment crossing the esplanade would have seen the flames ascending around the post to which the friar was bound. The Italian already felt the fire drawing near and the smoke gathering in a dense cloud about him. It is impossible to describe the rage, anger, and fury, that took possession of him in these moments preceding his punishment. (The Guarany, part IV, chapter IX, p. 137)
In the face of death there is no declared regret that would moralise Loredano’s end, but his punishment is an example for all who diverge from the Christian religion. Burned as a medieval heretic (to be purified by the flames) the ex-friar does not appeal to the mercy of man, beg reconciliation with God or review his conscience. His last moments are silent, frustrated and enraged by a dream of wealth and love that did not materialize. This public burning of heretics at stake is a prime gothic motif used here by Alencar,[3] the Catholic Inquisition adopted this punishment, known as Auto da Fé (an act of faith), as an interpretation of the principle Ecclesia non novit sanguinem (the Church is untainted with blood). Similar to the British model, Alencar does not leave Evil unpunished, albeit he does not force final accommodations, or reconciliations which were common to the British fiction. These differences in the villains’ background, motivations and death seem to be fundamental in revealing who the antagonist is. When assimilating some traces of the gothic mode, Alencar does not reproduce the ideology. He seems to support, above all, values of civilization, rationalism and honour, rather than primitivism, brutality and treachery. Furthermore, the novel proposes principles of domesticity, family and Christianity, while discarding licentiousness, impiety and greed for riches.

After exorcising the Portuguese house of the savage Aymorés and the Italian villain, Alencar seems to be indicating that old aristocratic values, primitivism and greedy ‘foreigners’ in search of wealth, were no longer welcome in 1857 Brazilian society. The gothic is the entitled language, the most suitable discourse for this kind of ‘exorcising’. Loredano differs from his British gothic counterparts; he does not represent fear of a distant French Revolution but Alencar’s unique response to Brazilian anxieties. Alencar’s gothic villain and images represent a cultural response imbricated with imperialist discussion, as the transforming Brazilian society was making way for republican thought. Very much in tune with his time, Alencar saw the possibilities of a country which did not wish to support the anachronic colonial model or foreign exploitation. Loredano is a symbol of this discontent (exorcised by the gothic discourse) along with people who saw Brazil as a place of enterprise enrichment.

‘I will be rich and powerful, though the whole world oppose!’ (p. 43), says Loredano. It is customary to represent the colonialist as a rich man, usually dressed in beige clothes, wiping sweat away with a handkerchief. If British, he might have been wearing a hunter’s hat and a monocle, perhaps drinking tea served in fine white china. Even with a fair amount of postcolonial criticism this rich colonist representation seems to be commonly employed, perpetuating an idea that is not completely correct. Of course some colonialists were very rich and sophisticated, and became even richer in trade while others lost everything in their gamble for wealth. Nevertheless, a significant number of these men actually came from deprived backgrounds. On the docks of Liverpool, for example, they would be recruited by trading and shipping companies to become masters abroad, under this very criterion of poverty. The company knew that their humble origins would constitute the drive in them to make the most of the opportunity. Then, once rich, they would imitate upper class habits and manners. I understand Loredano to be this type of disfavoured adventurer, aspiring to build his fortune. Born into a dispossessed family, he is prepared to invest everything in the possibility of becoming successful; even if it means turning to violence, kidnap and murder. In fact, Loredano could have walked away from the house of Mariz at any time and conquered fortune with his silver mine map. However, as the villain of a romantic novel, his utmost claim is Love. ‘Only I warn you that he who shall cross the threshold of Cecília’s door is a dead man; she is my share of the booty, the lion’s share!’ (p. 39).

[1] On talking about Terror in his treatise about the Sublime, Burke says that many animals are capable of invoking these ideas of transcendence. IN: Edmund Burke. A Philosophical Inquiry into the Origin of our Ideas about the Sublime and the Beautiful. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1958 (p. 57).
[2] See Ann Radcliffe, The Italian, pp. 131-255.
[3] Like Loredano, Ambrosio was also going to be burned alive but he escapes the trial by selling his soul to the Devil. IN: Matthew Lewis, The Monk, pp. 298-300. Maturin also account for the burning of heretics as a source of horror in the English gothic. IN: Charles Maturin. Melmoth, the wanderer, 2000.

Brazilian Gothic: nature, the house reads the forest (Daniel Serravalle de Sá, 2006)

Alencar’s approach to Nature followed a tradition made popular in Brazil by the German travellers von Spix and von Martius in the 18th century (See: Reise in Brasilien, München, Gedruckt hei M. Lindauer, 1823), who saw Nature as a source of emotion. A generation before Alencar, the French critics Ferdinand Denis, Théodore Taunay and Édouard Corbière brought to the country the ideas of Montaigne, Rousseau and Chateaubriand about the relevance of autochthonous subjects. [1] In that sense, The Guarany produces no philosophical innovation, it is an offspring of the bon sávage model.

Stylistically, in the task of exalting the natural elements, the author frequently invests in broad angles. The opening passage approaches the scene from a bird’s eye perspective, following the river’s trajectory from source to mouth. The image of the mountain also appears in that scene, being used by Alencar to reinforce the idea of ‘wideness’. The rocky plateau is not chosen by chance to hold the house. From the authorial point of view, the vision of a horizon ‘looking proudly over the vast region that opened around him’ (p.4) allows an assessment of the natural beauty of the scene from a privileged viewpoint. Ultimately, this approach is a way of talking about freedom and independence. It also goes well with the 19th century romantic idea that any praise given to the native land reaffirmed the greatness of the nation. Since the merit of a people depended on the ability of the artist to paint the ‘local colour’, it was necessary to imbue the richest images into the description of the landscape.[2]

Seeking a style that could live up to his epic aspirations, Alencar invests in the discourse of the ‘sublime’ and in figures of language, especially hyperbole, to magnify the natural elements. In this specific point, his poetical language can be approximated to that of Ann Radcliffe. In order to give expression to his stylistic capacities, Alencar employs techniques he learned from his readings of gothic novels.[3] He approaches narrative by alternating sensations to excite the reader (using this tension to create climax), contrasting the sublime and the picturesque, proposing the supernatural and then explaining it. Still, as in Radcliffean gothic, a function of Nature I find recurrent in The Guarany are scenes which anticipate future actions. The passage below presents a torrential storm that forecasts the ‘transformation’ of the friar Angelo di Lucca into his alter-ego Loredano.

One of those fearful tempests that frequently occur on the slopes of mountain ranges was descending upon the earth. The bellowing wind lashed the huge trees, which bowed before it their aged trunks; the thunder reverberated in the dense clouds driven hither and thither through the sky; and the lightning flashed with such frequency that forests, mountains, nature itself, seemed bathed in an ocean of fire. [...] leaning against the other column was a Carmelite friar, who watched with a smile of profound satisfaction the progress of the storm. His handsome face and strongly marked features were animated by a ray of intelligence, and an expression of energy that clearly revealed his character. Seeing this man smiling at the tempest and meeting with unflinching eye the flash of the lightning, one perceived that his soul possessed a strength of resolution and an indomitable will capable of wishing the impossible, and contending against heaven and earth to obtain it.
(The Guarany, part II, chapter I, p. 40)

Although Alencar was committed to his project of creating a national literature, at that moment, his ideas still seemed much based on European standards. Because Nature personified the element of national differentiation in literature, it was intended to appear in the novel full of significance, and the tropical environment offered the ideal setting for the manifestation of that spirit. However, despite the vigour, exuberance and sexuality Alencar symbolises in his picture of tropical Nature, he does not succeed in creating an innovative description. His forest is populated by ‘fantastic’ animals and ‘exotic’ plants. In The Guarany Nature is looked at from the perspective of someone who sees the country from outside.

The view from the house situated on the summit of the region, may invoke the beauty of ‘amplitude’, proposing integration between the civilised and the natural. However, it truly establishes a hierarchic relationship proposed by a difference in ‘height’. The elevated position of the house overbears the landscape around it. The intimate association between man and Nature does not seem to resist severe scrutiny. Looking at the scene from another angle, the stairway, ‘made half by nature and half by art’ (p. 1) is used to confirm the capacity of the colonizer in transforming landscape. The proposed communion inside the house is again deceptive. While the objects from the metropolis are presented as fine, artistic or manufactured, the natural products are mere raw material, treated as ‘curiosities of delicate colors and exquisite forms’ (p. 3). Nevertheless, this kind of ‘exotic language’ would be acceptable within the house, which is the space of the coloniser by definition. The problem starts when it spreads to the surrounding Nature.

The forest below the house is described as a ‘dome of verdure’ (p. 6) or ‘arcades of verdure, with capitals formed by the fans of the palm trees’ (p. 1) and ‘shady vaults of verdure [...], for which the ancient trunks of acaris and araribas served as columns’ (p. 6). The trees invoke features that denote architectural structures found primarily in castles and churches. The plateau on which the house stands is compared to a natural ‘altar’. Further references introduce religious convictions in the forest environment, ‘the light in passing through the dense foliage was entirely absorbed, and not a ray of the sun penetrated into this temple of creation’ (p. 6). The stream and the river also assume feudal references, being called ‘vassal and tributary’ (p. 1). In the lexical choices, Nature becomes a bearer of ideologies, describing the natural in terms of the civilized. It shows an altered ecosystem in which the house becomes the defining voice of the landscape, interpreting and classifying the forest according to its standards. In that sense, the house reads the forest presenting Nature as a source of raw material, while it is the transforming agent.

Could it be a misinterpretation in the project Alencar set himself? No, I believe the picture is more complex than this. By re-locating such a repertoire of discursive terms to the Brazilian landscape, the writer does not intend to submit to the European matrices (nor is he seeking to conceal it). On the contrary, these textual references are a stratagem to quote the foreign tradition. His manipulation of the elements is conscious, to a certain extent. Alencar seems to be saying: if they (Europeans) have castles we (Brazilians) have strong, ancient trees; if they possess temples, our sanctuary is the forest; and if they have knights in shiny metallic armour, we have noble and dextrous Indians adorned with beautiful feathers. His thinking is perfectly coherent and consistent with a Rousseauesque tradition, which ranks Nature above society. However, the comparison is ingenuous in the way it uses the foreign ‘scale’. Instead of measuring it against castles and abbeys, Alencar should have pursued a significant aesthetic rupture. Perhaps what lacked in his account was the invention of a truly original model, rather than the creation of a tropical version of European tradition. But could he? His comprehension of nationality, which worked with the simplistic dichotomy native/foreigner, took him as far as destroying the Portuguese house (imperialism) and trying to measure up to the European architectural heritage. Nevertheless, The Guarany does promote an unprecedented breakthrough, showing that Alencar was in certain ways ahead of his time. His real advance consists of introducing the concept of a multicultural nation by celebrating racial mixture, which is an essential characteristic of Brazilian society and in so doing he ultimately rejects the gothic demonising of his central images.

[1] Antonio Candido. A Formação da Literatura Brasileira (Momentos Decisivos). 7a. edição. Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia, 1993 (pp. 260-3).

[2] In his translation of The Guarany J.W. Hawes omitted some passages, usually the ones where Alencar gives lengthy descriptions of Nature.


[3] Sandra Vasconcelos work on English novels circulating in Brazil during the 19th century, provides a long list of gothic authors, including Beckford, Godwin, Lewis (and his translation of Zschokke) and Radcliffe. IN: Sandra G. T. Vasconcelos. Romances Ingleses em Circulação no Brasil durante o séc. XIX. UNICAMP site. <http://www.unicamp.br/iel/memoria/Ensaios/Sandra/sandralev.htm>

Brazilian Gothic: the House of Mariz (Daniel Serravalle de Sá, 2006)

The tropical fortress-cum-manor of the nobleman D. Antônio de Mariz can be read in the novel as being the European element which appears in the Brazilian landscape to interfere and modify its balance. In that sense, the house stands for the enterprise of the first colonizers in their civilising effort, since in The Guarany the foundation of Brazil is not intended to be an encounter between any civilization and Nature, but of Portuguese culture with a subdued Nature.

When applied to the novel, the Bakhtinian chronotope[1] presents the house as the point where the paths of all characters cross. This delimiting of the creative universe, turning the house into a ‘stage’ for the action about to unravel, may reveal significant aspects of Alencar’s conception of Brazilianness and his project for the construction of a national literature. The image of the house, together with the characters that dwell there, make it a very meaningful example of how Alencar read foreign models and set himself the task of creating national equivalents.

From one of the summits of the Organ Mountains glides a small stream, which flows northerly, and enlarged by the springs which it receives in its course of ten leagues, becomes a considerable river. It is the Paquequer. Leaping from cascade to cascade, winding like a serpent, it dozes at last in the plain, and empties into the Parahyba, which rolls majestically in its vast bed. Vassal and tributary of that king of waters, the little river, haughty and overbearing to its rocks, bows humbly at the feet of its sovereign. It loses then its wild beauty; its waves are calm and peaceful as those of a lake, and do not rebel against the boats and canoes that glide over them. A submissive slave, it feels the lash of its master. It is not at this point that it should be seen, but three or four leagues above its mouth, where it is still free. There the Paquequer rushes rapidly over its bed, and traverses the forests foaming and filling the solitude with the noise of its career.
Vegetation in those regions formerly displayed all its luxuriance and vigor; virgin forests extended along the margins of the river, which flowed through arcades of verdure, with capitals formed by the fans of the palm trees.
In the year of grace 1604, the place we have been describing was deserted and uncultivated; the city of Rio de Janeiro had been founded less than half a century, and civilization had not had time to reach the interior.
However, on the right bank of the river stood a large and spacious house, built on an eminence, and protected on all sides by a steep wall of rock. The esplanade on which the building was placed formed an irregular semi-circle, containing at most two hundred square yards. On the north side there was a stairway of freestone, made half by nature and half by art.
Descending two or three of the broad stone steps, one found a wooden bridge solidly built across a wide and deep fissure in the rock. Continuing to descend, one reached the brink of the river, which lowed in a graceful curve, shaded by large gamelleiras and angelins, that grew along its banks. On each side of the stairway was a row of trees, widening gradually, enclosing like two arms the bend of the river; between the trunks of these trees a high hedge of thorns made that little valley impenetrable.
(The Guarany, part I, chapter I, p. 1)
The passage above is basically describing a river and small manor built amidst the tropical wilderness. The river Paquequer is described a ‘vassal’ and ‘tributary’ of the mightier river Parahyba, although, ‘it is not at this point that it should be seen, but three or four leagues above its mouth, where it is still free’. A deeper look into this scene may unlock a world of possible inferences,[2] but a more explicit reference to this sudden ‘return’ in the narrative is the signification of the past (the foundational moment) in the novel, and the key importance of national independence (freedom/Nature). For the moment, I will focus on the isolated position of the building, which is set on a rock, on the edge of a cliff, surrounded by a river and lost in the forest. The image points to the inaccessibility of the house by stressing its defensiveness, which suggests the ambience of a medieval castle. The image also intends to communicate a close integration between Nature and man, proposed by the stairway ‘made half by nature and half by art’. The combination of the raw material found in the forest and the masonry techniques from civilization creates a house which, at certain points, blends with the surface of the immense rock.

The house of Mariz emerges in this scenery as the mark of the colonizers, a nucleus of civilization and culture in a largely unexplored region. D. Antônio’s concern with protection is justified by the inhospitable location and the times they lived in, days away from the city of Rio de Janeiro and susceptibility to the dangers of the early periods of colonization, such as tribal and wild animal attacks. The seclusion in which they were found obliged D. Antônio to maintain a group of forty retainers for protection. Distant from the major urban centre, this group of people living together constitutes a mini-kingdom in the forest.

This little community, governed by its own laws, its own usages and customs; its members united together by ambition for wealth, and bound to their chief by respect, by the habit of obedience, and by that moral superiority which intelligence and courage exercise over the masses.
(The Guarany, part I, chapter II, p. 5)

The community is presented in such a way as to draw a parallel with a feudal organisation. The group seems to be under a control based on an aristocratic ‘ruled by the best’ concept. But while medieval times were regarded in Europe as a celebration of the past, the absence of medieval references in Brazil made Alencar adopt the colonial period as its substitute. He incorporated characteristics which belonged to the medieval imagination in that household, inserted in the tropical landscape. A visit inside the main house will reinforce this idea, as symbols point to the cultural identity and traditions of the inhabitants and the values they are associated with.

The principal room displayed a certain luxury, which seemed impossible at that period in a wilderness like this. The walls and ceiling were white washed, but ornamented with a wide border of flower-work in fresco; between the windows hung two portraits representing an aged nobleman and an elderly lady, and over the canter door was painted a coat of arms. A large red damask curtain, on which the same arms were reproduced, concealed this door, which was rarely opened, and which led into a chapel. Opposite, between the two center windows, was a small canopy, closed by white curtains with blue loops. High-backed leather chairs, a rosewood table with turned feet, a silver lamp suspended from the ceiling, constituted the furniture of the room, which breathed a severe and gloomy air.
The inner apartments were in the same style, save the heraldic decorations. In the wing of the building, however, this aspect suddenly changed, and gave place to a fanciful and dainty one, which revealed the presence of a woman. Indeed, nothing could be more beautiful than this room, in which silk brocatels were mingled with the pretty feathers of our birds, entwined in garlands and festoons around the border of the ceiling, and upon the canopy of a bedstead standing on a carpet of skins of wild animals. In a corner an alabaster crucifix hung upon the wall, with a gilt bracket at its feet. At a little distance, on a bureau, was seen one of those Spanish guitars that the gypsies introduced into Brazil when expelled from Portugal, and a collection of mineral curiosities of delicate colors and exquisite forms. Near the door was an article that at first sight could not be defined; it was a kind of bedstead or sofa of variegated straw, interwoven with black and scarlet feathers. A royal heron impaled, ready to take flight, held in its beak the curtain of blue taffeta that concealed this nest of innocence from profane eyes, opening it with the points of its white wings that fell over the door. The whole breathed a sweet aroma of benzoin.
(The Guarany, part I, chapter I, p. 3)
The heraldic decoration displayed on doors and walls claim a genealogy of tradition and nobility. A coat of arms and the picture of ‘an aged noblemen and an elderly lady’ help to stress the aristocratic origins of that family. As with the suggestion in the stairway portrayal, the decoration proposes a mixture of objects from both the kingdom and elements from the forest, ‘in which silk brocatels were mingled with the pretty feathers of our birds’. Here again, not only are there feudal implications in the environment but the author tries to create interaction between man and Nature, implying a sensation of parity between the two forces. However, this integration does not seem to be as smooth as it is presented. In the phrase ‘the feathers of our birds’, the pronoun echoes peculiarly the proposed combination and it will be thoroughly challenged in the next section, which addresses the subject of Nature. In what concerns the medieval hints, if the positioning of the house, the description of the community and the decoration inside the building were not suggestive enough of the connection he is trying to construct; to make sure the reader gets the point, Alencar states that ‘the house was a genuine castle of a Portuguese nobleman’ (p. 4) and in that isolated region it ‘took place of a feudal castle in the middle ages’ (p. 4).

However, moved by the idea of creating a national novel, Alencar seems to know that a distinct reality expects different literary solutions and the appropriations do not seem to have occurred without, at least, an attempt at subverting the medieval picturesque. In rescuing images, themes and symbols that describe the house in the light of the castle, he seems to be pursuing a link with European romanticism. The house of Mariz is a historical ‘link’ that in a given moment congregated the past of Brazil and Portugal. This bond allows him to make use of a pseudo-medieval repertoire. Nevertheless, it is a connection which he intends to destabilize, as it is no longer useful for a recently independent country. The house of Mariz is blown up even before the novel comes to term, implying that the Portuguese contribution (already assimilated) is no longer necessary. The destruction of the household, in the symbolic plan, would signify a rupture with the colonial past and perhaps the belief that Brazilian writers should assume a different position from that undertaken by the European novelists.

The fall of Portuguese imperialism is a necessary condition for the re-reading of the country, and in the novel it seems to be connected to two specific motives. The first one is the murder of a young Indian girl by the dandyish son of D. Antônio, Diogo de Mariz, representing the violence promulgated by the conquerors. This seemingly involuntary assassination triggers the revenge of the Aymoré tribe, who besiege the house, and discharge the fatal retaliation. Faced with the inevitable, D. Antônio is obliged to ignite his secret gun-powder deposit at the last moment. He dies by his own hand, avoiding being eaten by the cannibal tribe. In that sense, the Aymorés embody the untamed natural forces which confront the colonizers. The tribe stands for an uncivilised Brazilianness and the battle between the parts represent the brutal dimension of colonization. Alencar also discards the tribe’s primitivism before the end, as he sees it also has no place in the future of the nation.

However, no less significant to the literal and symbolic ruin of the house, are the schemes of the villain Loredano. The conflict the foreigner incites weakens the internal unit of the house, undermining its cohesion and precipitating its downfall. The evil antagonist represents what seems to be a class struggle inside that society. The reasons for his treason seem to arise from discontent in the social configuration of the community (he is denied contact with the beautiful Cecy, D. Antônio’s daughter). Far from primitive, his intrigues depend on an elaborate plan of action, political alliances and even coercion of weaker characters by means of a ‘paper containing the infernal plot’, validated with ‘seals of black wax’ (p. 37) from a notary.

The house of Mariz was organised to divide people into classes, and in these partitions nobility was a feature to be observed. While the Portuguese aristocracy inhabited the manor, ‘in the rear, entirely separated from the rest of the dwelling by a wall, were two storehouses or porches, which served as an abode for adventurers and dependents.’ (p. 3). The segregation between the people is more than a matter of being lodged in different buildings. There is a wall between the buildings imposing an abrupt physical division. But rather than fencing out the common people, the hierarchic split seems to be highlighting the marooned condition of the Portuguese aristocracy, who seem to call destruction upon themselves by insisting on a pyramidal society. As a result, the ruin of that social fabric seems to be linked to the violent practices and excesses committed by the colonizers, the imposed values of nobility and the restraint on social mobility. The betrayal of the antagonist delivers a blow to the aristocratic class, although it is D. Antônio who commits ‘class suicide’. Loredano’s conspiracies disclose him as a rebellious character, who likes to stir the mob. From another angle, he can be seen as entrepreneurial and egalitarian, even willing to share gains with his accomplices. For that reason I see Loredano as a bourgeois revolutionary, but perhaps, more accurately on a Lukásian note,[3] a representative of the ongoing liberalism of 1857. Once more, Alencar is not impressed by his skills. As a representative of a ‘savage’ capitalism (the kind that employs ‘contracts’ to subdue alleged partners and plot murder), Loredano is vehemently rejected. Again the villain does not make it to the end, being discarded before the dénouement.

The scene of the destruction of the house is extraordinarily gothic, it is compared to ‘those fleeting visions that flash upon the disordered imagination’ (p.140).[4] In this regard it assimilates Alencar’s writing to those Radcliffean categories of the sublime, drawing upon emotional experiences which distort the perception of reality.

The front of the house was in darkness; the fire had control of the other sides, and the wind was driving it toward the rear. Pery at the first glance had seen the forms of the Aymorés moving in the shadow, and the fearful and horrid figure of Loredano amid the flames that were devouring him. Suddenly the front of the building fell upon the esplanade, crushing in its fall a large number of savages. It was then that the weird picture presented itself to Pery’s eyes.
The hall was a sea of fire; the figures moving amid the glare seemed to be swimming on waves of flame. In the rear stood out the majestic form of Dom Antônio de Mariz, erect in the center of the armory, holding aloft in his left hand an image of Christ, and with his right pointing his pistol to the dark cavern where slept the volcano. His wife, calm and resigned, was clasping his knees; Ayres Gomes and the few remaining adventurers, kneeling motionless at his feet, formed an appropriate setting for that statue worthy of a master’s chisel.
On the heap of ruins formed by the falling wall were seen the horrid figures of the savages, like evil spirits dancing amid the infernal flames.
All this Pery saw at a single glance of the eye, like a living picture lighted up for a moment by the instantaneous flash of the lightning.
(The Guarany, part IV, chapter X, p. 140)

The whole scene, observed through Pery’s eyes, exposes the Portuguese death-bound codes of honour, based on manliness and Christianity. It is interesting that Pery sees D. Antônio as a statue, an effigy of a dead imperial culture. This reinforces my previous point, namely, that Alencar is looking back to the values on which Brazil was built, but which do not have to be carried into the future of the country. Without denying the Portuguese contribution to the formation of Brazil, and proposing a different way from that taken by the European romantics, Alencar must account for a very recent colonial memory that cannot be ignored but, perhaps, might be surpassed by the creation of a national myth. The Indian Pery and the Portuguese Cecy will personify this myth. The only two survivors from the house are the distilled best of the two worlds and will symbolically represent the mother and the father of the future nation. The connection between the two characters evolves from an initial awkwardness to a friendship, then a brother/sister relationship to possible lovers. As they drift on the top of a palm tree (a love nest?), caught up in a flood with biblical reference, a sexual act is suggested.

Pery’s ardent breath fanned her cheek. A nest of chaste blushes and limpid smiles overspread the maiden’s face; her lips opened like the purple wings of a kiss taking its flight.
The palm tree, borne along by the impetuous torrent, hurried on and disappeared in the distance.

* * *
(The Guarany, part IV, chapter XI, p. 152)

It can be noticed here that instead of turning to a historical past, Alencar projects the conclusion of the novel to the future. The Guarany refuses a ‘wrapping up’; the punctuation leaves the end open suggesting a nation ‘under construction’. At the same time, the union between the Indian and the Portuguese addresses issues of hybridism and multiculturalism in the population. In doing that, Alencar is seeking value (sometimes naively) in what he believed to be the most distinctive and original traces of the Brazilian culture: the Indian and the tropical nature.


[1] Mikhail Bakhtin. ‘Forms of Time and of the Chronotope in the Novel’. IN: The Dialogic Imagination. Austin: Texas, 2000 (pp. 84 -258).
[2] Valéria de Marco uses the river in this passage to demonstrate how slavery is approached in The Guarany through language, ‘A submissive slave, it feels the lash of its master’. Her work replies to a common criticism made to the novel, the absence of the African as a contributor to the formation of the country. Because The Guarany is actually set before the slave trade started, Alencar's critics said he avoided the subject. The attack is not particularly convincing as Marco’s work shows. IN: Valéria de Marco. A Perda das Ilusões: O Romance Histórico de José de Alencar. Campinas: Editora da UNICAMP, 1993.
[3] Lukács demonstrates how the historical novel reflects questions in the present. IN: Georg Lukács. The Historical Novel. Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 1983.

[4] Sage calls these moments of gothic misperception la coda dell’ochio, indicating a fantastic vision that is later denied by rational, materialist viewpoint. IN: Victor Sage. ‘J.G. Farrell’s Imperial Gothic’. IN: Empire and the Gothic. London: Palgrave, 2003 (pp. 175-176).

Views on history: Lukács' synthesis and Joyce's cycles (Daniel Serravalle de Sá, 2006)

In the text The Ideology of Modernism, George Lukács proposes a dialectic examination of the core difference between ‘realist’ and ‘modernist’ literature. His method aims at a scrutiny of the ‘ideological basis of these trends’ pointing towards an appreciation of the artist’s weltanschauung. That is to say, in a given piece of work, Lukács is interested in the writer’s view of the world and whether this writer has managed to problematise his subject-matter on the way to a materialistic critique. What matters to him is how the artist may be contributing to an anthropological evolution. However, beyond an engaged attitude, it seems he is also seeking a certain perspective to literature, in order to match his Platonic predilections.

As a result, special treatment is given to the realist school of writing, for it has the preferred style to the subject-matter. According to the philosopher, a realist piece of writing is mainly concerned with the external world; it focuses on concrete reality and displays a ‘hierarchy of significance’, well rooted in historical time and in social environment. On the other hand there is the theory and practice of modernism, placing solitariness as the central human condition, failing to present a clear definition of the plot (lack of perspective), and alienating History from its representation. In short, realist and modernist schools are described respectively as: ‘dynamic and developmental on the one hand, static and sensational on the other’.

Lukács’ argument orbits around the realisation of ‘potentiality’, a philosophical term meaning roughly: ‘the possibilities in a man’s mind’. The recognition and eventual practise of a potentiality in a work of art, supposedly explains the superiority of the realist school in detriment of the modernist school. The examples used to illustrate the ‘good’ (concrete) and the ‘bad’ (abstract) use of potentiality are, in that order, Thomas Mann’s Lotte in Weimar (1939) and Joyce’s Ulysses (1922). Drawing upon a Hegelian concept, Lukács states:

“Abstract potentiality belongs to the realm of subjectivity; whereas concrete potentiality is concerned with the dialectic between the individual’s subjectivity and the objective reality. The literary presentation of the latter thus implies a description of actual persons inhabiting a palpable, identifiable world.”

Rather than linear, as it is commonly asserted, Lukács view of the world is dialectic. Although it is right to say his ideas aim at a development of history, it also needs to be said that his weltanschauung is not concerned with a 'photographic' representation of reality; a rendering of external appearances, for no work of art can accurately represent reality. He is rather trying to apprehend inner contradictions, which are expressed in class struggle. However, in his intend for Platonic evolution, Lukács ends up offering a limited synthesis that can not account for every literary piece:

“Only in the interaction of character and environment can the concrete potentiality of a particular individual be singled out from the ´bad infinity` of purely abstract potentialities, and emerge as the determining potentiality of just this individual at just this phase of development. This principle alone enables the artist to distinguish concrete potentiality from a myriad abstraction”
This is then the ‘bad infinity’ Lukács identifies in Joyce’s work. Ulysses was read by him as a rejection of History and an escape to hyper-subjectivity. Lukács position, put forth in 1956, has in many aspects become unviable today. When narrative is not represented as a synthesis, his method of analysis becomes fallible. The artistic problem the philosopher was trying to work out can be put, quite simply, in terms of subjectivity and objectivity. He tries to untangle the aporia subordinating the possibilities in the mind to a resolution in the concrete world.

Lukács’ criticism has become an easy shot nowadays, but Dialectical Marxism had proven for him a durable creed, shock-proofing him against the vicissitudes, even the atrocities, of the second quarter of the last century. It also provided him with a method, he felt entitled to speak, in the name of ‘science and objective truth’, placing the burden of proof, or refutation, on the disbelievers. In addition, Marxism, as weltanschauung and method, enabled him to use his gift of human empathy (with his adaptation of Aristotelian-Hegelian ontology) without having to succumb to the psychologising tendencies. The problems with Lukács’ analysis perhaps should be seen bounded to the man’s history and the predicaments of his time. As much sympathy one should have for his work, founded on the intellectual love of mankind, the fact is, his readings of Ulysses failed to perceive nodal points of political intent; furthermore, discussions about Philosophy of History, freed from a crystallised form of representation. Modern criticism has gone beyond the idea that social critique can only take place in organic narratives.

I reckon that, for today’s reader, the political invective in Ulysses is much clearer; and it is also clearer that Joyce was a more politically-aware writer than earlier critics had thought. Ulysses provides rich material for literary analysis and many to-day critical studies (be it tied to the text or seeing beyond the words on the page) may find its dense, encyclopaedical text particularly congenial. Joyce cheekily comments: “I’ve put in so many enigmas and puzzles that it will keep the professors busy for centuries”.

My reading of Ulysses was much influenced by A. Cormack’s thesis I read concomitantly to the novel. He argues that a materialist historicist account of the work would be antithetical to the novel’s subject-matter. The author points out that Joyce’s modernism is not the rejection of History, as seen by Lukács, but rather ‘an attempt to reconceptualise it’. From Joyce’s point of view, the colonised voice cannot be represented by the notion of synthesis, which in Ulysses is identified with the word of the coloniser. Alternatively he presents a solution where subjectivity and objectiveness are seen aligned rather then opposed. By refusing the ‘hierarchy of significance’ Joyce moves the discussion to another ground. For him History is seen as a ‘series of modes of thought’, instead of a Platonic development.

The lack of hierarchy becomes particularly evident in the chapter Cyclops, as various levels of enunciation mingle. The misadventures of Leopold Bloom in Kiernan's pub are narrated by a third element in an episode interpolated by several voices. Despite the first person narration, collective and anonymous voices can be distinguished, emerging to form Joyce’s synchronic idea of Culture and History. Politics plays an important role in this episode, and despite the constant interpolation in style, action keeps on going, speaking against the ‘static’ evaluation. The men in Kiernan's pub discuss the role of the church in politics, the possibility of Russian tyranny, the arguments between pro-Britons and pro-Irish factions. Drink after drink is consumed as the men reflect on the politics of Ireland in the present and the past. Like the Cyclopes in the Odyssey, these men are lazy creatures. Instead of attempting to support and push their views, they would rather spend their time at the tavern. Bloom is the only man who differs from this crowd, clashing his liberal views to confront the conservative beliefs of the men in the pub. Bloom proclaims his opinions and is constantly arguing to support them. But he is made the underdog, as the other men in the pub ignore his arguments.
]
Opposing the idea of ‘static’ narrative claimed by Lukács, the climax in action can actually be summarised. Bloom says to Citizen "Your God was a Jew. Christ was a Jew like me". His factual bluntness puts him at odds with the Citizen and the rest of the pub. The men find themselves in a heated argument. Bloom exits and heads for the street. Citizen right behind him. Bloom and his colleagues speed away. Citizen throws a metal tin, barely missing Bloom's head.

The materialist method is discarded in Ulysses, along with its subordination of the text to a specific form of representing history; instead Joyce approaches the theme in a way that is not ‘infected with an alienated positivism that both authors (Joyce and Yeats) identify with colonialism and tyranny’, says Cormack. Still according to Cormack we learn that in the novel, ‘rather than offering a political allegory (history) should be understood as a sort of tropological store, a range of human types, identified by their own form of languages, which are constantly being translated by new social requirements’.

That is to say in Ulysses, History can be seen manifested within language and culture, representing something that is disordered and impermanent. Joyce appears to claim that the moment of truth, originated by the dialectic process and defended by Lukács, is as much make-believe as his ironic and abstract representation. Cormack summarises the idea by saying that ‘narrative progression is abandoned as an inadequate method of perceiving the reality of the soul’. Joyce’s notion is tributary to Gianbattista Vico’s epistemology, which understands History as a circular or cyclic process, of chaotic nature, ultimately created by man’s mind (although Cormack sees it more like a palimpsest). Originated from our primal use of metaphors, History and Philology are comprehended as entwined concepts; Vico states that ‘only God can know Nature whilst men’s knowledge is limited to those words he created’.

History is seen as a dynamic process of constant revision, opened to amendments and inventiveness. Conforming to this view implies that in the text ‘everything is historical and the actual and the possible meet in the “form of forms” the artist’s word’, says Cormack. That is to say that no rank of significance should be imposed on the elements that compose the novel and no particular view should predominate on a text where the tone is: plurality. The historical aspects are solved within language and culture.

J.L. Borges statement, "that history should have copied history was already sufficiently astonishing; that history should copy literature was inconceivable", seems to endorse the idea of a general misconception of identifying the ‘objective’ with history and the ‘subjective’ with fiction. In Theme of the Traitor and the Hero, the world of forms is collapsed into that of its imitations; resulting in two stories in which different realities seem to interpenetrate each other. The reader is de-familiarised with the sense of truth whilst fact and fiction become mere ‘constructions’. This symbiotic nature suggests a cyclic pattern in the existence of humanity. Borges seems to state that we take upon previous narratives to describe present events; our stories are basically recollection of old stories we put together, like a mosaic of words. As Shakespeare fictionalizes the death of Julius Caesar; Nolan plagiarizes the plays of Shakespeare in orchestrating his plan; and finally, as the gate-keepers of history record only the superficially relevant events of a deeply-involved labyrinth of historical value. The interaction between the storytellers produces a tangled web of correspondences where truth and lies meld inextricably and the fiction of Shakespeare becomes as factually accurate or inaccurate as a history textbook. Nestor is a short episode within Ulysses, but which brings about this very debate of ‘historical truisms’ versus ‘literary constructions’, also reflecting on how history of humanity is tainted and tampered with the ideas of those who enslave their fellow man.

References to Julius Caesar and Hamlet may indicate that betrayal seems to be a present theme in the chapter. Even though Garret Deasy claims to be an authentic Irishman, he sabotages any efforts to keep Ireland from ruling itself. In his eyes Ireland seems to be better off attached to the British Empire. The second part of the chapter takes place in Deasy’s office. He is the headmaster in the school Stephen works as a teacher, and seems to be a man concerned with power and money. Perhaps he is unaware of his (self) betrayal, as he is represented as a prisoner and a fool. Mr. Deasy tries to be intellectual and hold intelligent discussions, lecturing Stephen on debt, saving money, shares his pro-British thoughts and shows his anti-Semitism. The conversation held between the schoolmaster and the teacher (and previously with Haines, in the chapter Telemachus) involves two debates which will be constantly referred to throughout the book. There is an ironical touch to the chapter, as in the Odyssey, Telemachus goes to King Nestor seeking advice and guidance; however this is not the case for their counterparts, Stephen and Garret Deasy, as the headmaster is not able to give a single piece of wise counselling to Stephen.


Bibliography:
BORGES, .L. Theme of the Traitor and the Hero. IN: Labyrinths, Penguin, London, 1964.

CORMACK, A. Yeats and Joyce: Cyclical Theories of History and the Tradition of Irish Idealism in Ulysses, A Vision and Finnegan’s Wake. PhD Thesis, UEA, 2004.

JOYCE, J. Ulysses. The Bodley Head, London, 1960.
Works consulted:
NOLAN, E. James Joyce and Nationalism. Rutledge, London, 1995.


Sites consulted:

www. athena.english.vt.edu

www.marxist.org/archive/lukacs

20060108

La Nausée: sartrian contingency (Daniel Serravalle de Sá, 2006)

“I have no need to speak in flowery language. I am writing to understand certain circumstances. I must be aware of literature. I must let my pen run on, without searching for words”. In Jean Paul Sartre’s Nausea (1938) the existential philosophy, which aims at the definition of the self in face of life’s contingency, also takes the form of fictional critique. The novel can be read as part of Sartre’s invective on organic textual constructions, opposing itself to some elements that configure the fundaments of a romantic realism, like normative language, plot linearity and end-driven narratives.

The project of dismantling of the organic narrative by the avant-garde constituted an attack on the institutionalised object of art; except that in Nausea this aspect seems to have been cast aside in detriment of Sartre’s politico-philosophical system. Antoine Roquentin’s diary is the medium through which Sartre embodies his theories of existential angst, but it can also be seen as an attempt at breaking down the walls that restricted the realist conception of novel. However, in this aesthetic undertaking, Sartre seems to have succeed only partially; yet, his work represents an important step in the foundation of the avant-gardiste movement, and made way for more radical ruptures that were to come about later.

If in relation to its content Nausea points to the end of adventures, and to the impossibilities of narrating stories, these instances do not get to be materialised in the form, which still obeys a sense of memory and orderly progression. The colloquial choice of language and “innovative” use of the diary artifice, in order to bring the narrative to the experiential first person point of view, avoiding unwanted verbal tenses; still conforms to the conventionality of being a day-by-day report of facts, which submits the work to novelistic conventionalities of temporal landmarks. If in the content level the character’s world is disintegrating, in its structure, Nausea is still very much compromised with the pretences of a referential world and the customs of the traditional novel. As I will try to show, a broader rupture, in the direction of a genuine dismantling in the idea of stable narration, is only to be made by the time Beckett writes Molloy (1950)[1].

Nausea embarks on the thoughts and feelings of Antoine Roquentin, a 30 years old man, who has been dwelling on a French village by the sea (an imaginary town named Bouville) after spending a few years travelling around the globe. When the diary starts, Roquentin has been occupied writing a historical research about the Marquis de Rollebon, an 18th century political figure; but his certainties begin to deteriorate in the winter of 1932 when he is assaulted by a “sweetish sickness” that impregnates the affairs which had fulfilled his life up to that point. He initiates the diary as an attempt to convey his feelings of meaninglessness regarding his life, and a general growing repugnance in relation to the material world, including the conscience of his own physicality.

“I am beginning to believe that nothing can ever be proved. There are reasonable hypotheses which take the facts into account: but I am only too aware that they come from me, that they are simply a way of unifying my own knowledge. Not a single glimmer comes from Rollebon’s direction. Slow, sulky, the facts adapt themselves at a pinch to the order I wish to give them, but it remains outside of them. I have the impression of doing a work of pure imagination. And even so, I am certain that characters in a novel would appear more realistic, or in any case more amusing” (Sartre, p.26).

The plausibility of telling stories is challenged in Nausea, as the novel puts into question the problem of Mimesis, evidencing the impossibility of narrating organic stories in the light of the 20th century. This awareness is an aspect that seems central to the book, along with the way of perceiving “subject” and its connection with the “object” of perception. However Sartre is not the first one to consider these issues, in fact, he discusses these questions of representation based on the work of other writers, like Marcel Proust and André Gide, who had previously defied the art of narrative and portraiture in their novels. With both Proust and Gide, the novel became more “reflexive”, more concentrated in its own specificities as a genre, re-evaluating its artistic function in relation to the world. As well as novel writing, other forms of art also experimented with aesthetic perspectives in the early 20th century. Dadaism and Surrealism, for example, also explored matters of plausibility, testing out the dissolution of rational thought as a reaction to 19th century certainties about the comprehension of the world through scientific enquiry and detached observation. However, Nausea itself is not as experimental as posterior modernist developments of the novel will be; its merit primarily consists of being a link between philosophy and aesthetics, or , from a different angle, an introduction to what subsequently will become a non-organic variety of perspectives on the subject/object connection, including the reader/text relationship.

The sartrian “hero”, Antoine Roquentin enunciates himself as a social dropout, but in fact, throughout the novel, society is constantly kept at a save analysing distance. His self-imposed solitude is created only by contrast with the existence of a social tissue which is there for reference and from which all his mistrusts derive. “I can see the future. It is there, stationed in the street, hardly any paler than the present”, Roquentin says. Lacking family bonds, passion for some kind of work, or another social attachments that may provide him with a meaningful reason to live (but Roquentin reckons these are false premises to hang on to), he finds no reason that may justify existence.


“The essential thing is contingency. I mean that, by definition, existence is not necessity. To exist is simply to be there; what exists appears, lets itself be encountered, but you can never deduce it. There are people, I believe, who understood that. Only they have tried to overcome this contingency by inventing a casual necessary being. But no necessary being can explain existence: contingency is not an illusion, an appearance that can be dissipated; it is absolute, and consequently perfect gratuitousness. Everything is gratuitous, that park, this town, and myself.” (Sartre, p.188)

Apart from writing about the enigmatic Marquis, Roquentin does not do any other kind of work. Living alone in a pension, with no close friends or misses, he has a lot of free time to think about contingencies. Roquentin is a bachelor leading a petit bourgeois life style who seems to feel a sudden “coming of age”, a coming of mature age. His physical maturity contrasts with a child-like anger in the way he articulates himself in the diary, his expressions of social resentment border acute depression. Roquentin’s disintegration seems have reached a stage where he realises that part of his life has been, and he feels that something has to be done with what is left of it. However the way he “resolves” the conflict in the end of the novel can hardly make any difference to the existential frame he established.

The need to make something useful out of his existence seems to be settled in the end of the diary in a rather awkward manner. The tension built up in the novel, all the soul searching Roquentin goes through, does not live up to the denouement. His solution of setting off to Paris, intending to write a novel seems to be a naïve (and literary) way to disentangle the existential conflict stirred throughout the book. Can a change in the subject of his writing sort out the matters of contingency proposed? Is not this future novel-to-be just another invented “casual necessity”, to avoid facing the contingency?

Other then this apparent inconsistency, there seems to be further vestiges of literacy in the book; the “Annie episode” is particularly problematic in the sense that it bears some reminisces of the conventional novel. The “lost love” of Roquentin is a theme that maintains the narrative going on all the way to the end. The situation raised creates much expectation, leads to be followed by the reader, and it is then unravelled in a melodramatic conversation inside a hotel room. The idea of narration is not completely abandon by Sartre and some moments of literary cliché, conforming to plot, memory and linearity, can still be observed in Nausea. In the same episode, as well as this thematic shortcoming, there seems to be also a theoretical one.

After getting the cold shoulder from his ex-lover Annie in the hotel room, Roquentin still goes to the station and practically waves her off with her younger man. Still Roquentin finds a way to justify it, claiming that at least he had her “last love in life”. But apart from the pretentious statement (we will give that to a broken heart, after all man with a sorrow is much more elegant) he fails to take in consideration a further development of his own point. If life is contingent, absurdities are out there, very likely to happen, including indulgences which may bring the inebriation of “love” to a touching distance again. There is no such thing as “outliving” oneself if live is contingent, once one realises the essence of nature is transmutation and “being” is a temporary state of mind and body. The rational frame of exploration, based on ego, proposed by sartrian existentialism can not account for an integral outlook of life, missing out on broader systems of synergy which compose existence beyond the individual. Without conforming to religious explanations, one is not self-contained but part of a whole synergetic body of matter, and there is project for all this, although it is not given. Meanwhile, one ought to indulge than sulk.

A further step in the dismantling of the novel, this time truly falling away from the residues of consciousness and plausibility, can be observed in the “episode of A and C”, found in Samuel Beckett’s Molloy. “Perhaps I’m inventing a little, perhaps embellishing … .But perhaps I’m remembering things” (Beckett, p.9). Beckett carries on ideas proposed by Sartre, taking to the next level the fusion of writing/being concepts, restating it in a much stronger attack on bourgeois Humanism and Literature. Beckett is able to realise this juncture not only in the content but in the form as well; establishing a radical modernism which will not only attempt, but empty the work of all organicism, actually cracking the idea of referential world stability with a narrative free from linearity. “perhaps I am confusing several different occasions, and different times… .And perhaps it was A one day at a place, then C another at another” (Beckett, p.12). In terms of organicism the “episode of A and C” really leads no where. It ends as it begins, abrupt and unexplained, not giving in to memory or fact, leaving the reader to its own conclusions.

But modernist ideals should be understood as construction, Sartre provided some material for Beckett to build upon. The dialogue between the two writers seems to be particularly explicit in the following episodes: “I remember better what I felt the other day on the sea-shore when I was holding the pebble. It was a sort of sweet disgust. How unpleasant it was! And it came from the pebble, I’m sure of that, it passed from the pebble into my hands. Yes, that’s exactly it: a sort of nausea in the hands.” (Sartre, p.22.). The opening scene of Nausea shows Roquentin on the beach staring at the skyline when suddenly he finds himself anguished, appalled by the rawness of existence. It is worth to point out the name chosen for the character seems to be a quite symbolic suggestion of “rock”.

Samuel Beckett appears to revise this episode transforming Sartre’s existential pebble into a similar scene in Molloy, in which the drifter plays a game of rotating little stones in his pocket and sticking them in his mouth. Also the confrontation with the subject of death assumes a mockery tone not found in Nausea. “The confusion of my ideas on the subject of death was such that sometimes I wondered, believe me or not, if it wasn’t a state of being even worse that life. (…) I spent sometime at the seaside, without incident (…) . In the sand I was in my element (…) . I took advantage of being at the seaside to lay in a store of sucking stones. They were pebbles but I call them stones.” (Beckett, p.68-70). An amusing situation begins to be created as Molloy elaborates on a system of circulating the stones in his pocket and mouth without repeating them twice. The exchange of themes and images seems to connect the two writers, however Molloy behaves with sheer disdain in relation to the existentialist nausea. “But deep down I didn’t give a fiddler’s curse about being without, when they were all gone they would be all gone, I wouldn’t be any worse off, or hardly any. And the solution to which rallied in the end was to throw away all the stones but one, which I kept now in one pocket, now in another, and which of course I soon lost, or threw away, or gave away, or swallowed (Beckett, p.74) . In this scene I should note what could be an indication of a discussion around literary “taste”. By sticking the stones in his mouth and sucking them, perhaps Molloy was making a reference, surely a mocking one, to good taste in literature. If that is so, all the ruptures promoted by the avant-guard present a setback: the authors could not actually let go of Literature, it implicitly remains there as source and starting point to any textual experimentation.

This kind of writing proposed in Molloy, is not only technical or stylistic rebellion, it is in fact a rejection of institutionalised art with the objective of removing it from its official discourses. In the essay Avant-Garde and Engagement, Peter Burger points to the integration between modernist writing and the desire of a social practice, he says that “the concept of engagement prior and subsequent to the avant-garde movements is not the same”. (Burger, p.58). Still according to the critic the important point to be made in this organic vs. non-organic, realist vs. avant-gardiste debate, it the assault made to the art in bourgeois society, because it made recognisable the celebrated convention that art was. It is his opinion that, “the historical avant-gardes movements were unable to destroy art as an institution; but they did destroy the possibility that a given school can present itself with the claim to universal validity. That ‘realistic’ and ‘avant-gardiste’ art exist side by side today is a fact that can no longer be objected to legitimacy. The meaning of the break in the history of art that the historical avant-garde movements provoked does not consist in the destruction of art as an institution, but in the destruction of the possibility of positing aesthetic norms as valid ones” (Burger, p.62). Of course no form of art can last forever, the avant-guard had its significance and importance in its historical period by dismantling the pretences of the realist novel, but it is only normal that today we have to go to museums to see modernist art. The same seems to be true for the novel, the ideas promoted by the avant-guard did not last forever, but after them new attempts at the novel will not be the same.

The modernist argument against the institutionalised artistic expressions is particularly strong in Nausea. It is specifically illustrated in the relationship Roquentin maintains with the Autodidact, a man who is reading all the books in the library in alphabetical order. The autodidact is the portrait of an intellectual without critical spirit, while Roquentin stands for the critical fibre in its pure estate. The autodidact care for his fellow human being is perverted, tainted with touches of pederasty and paedophilia; the politeness he displays is only a crust that disguises his sadistic love of mankind. This despicable character can be read in the novel as representative of the ridicule of a culture Roquentin is sceptical about. One of Sartre’s objectives here was to criticise the concept of Humanism, which according to him, is to blame for the hypocrisy of bourgeoisie and its institutions.

Roquentin has an insight of this “false culture” while looking at a portrait of the Marquis de Rollebon, he says: “The power of art is truly admirable. Of this shrill-voiced little man, nothing would go down to posterity except a threatening face, a superb gesture, and the blood-shot eyes of a bull” . (Sartre, p.137). At that point he had just found out that by a trick of perspective the Marquis was transformed in something quite different from who he was in reality, the proportions in the picture were altered so the subject would appear to be bigger. Roquentin then extends his thoughts of mimesis to other realms, concluding that in literary writing, representations were not being done any different then exalting certain features and people for effect. This reflection leads him to a series of other questioning, such as, the impossibility of adventures, the confluence between writing and living and the death of organic narration, given that life itself is contingent and does not follow any specific order.

“I haven’t had any adventures. Things have happened to me, events, incidents, anything you like. But not adventures. It isn’t a matter of words; I am beginning to understand … Adventures are in books. And naturally, everything they tell you about in books can happen in real life, but not in the same way. It was this way of happening that I attached so much importance … Something begins in order to end: an adventure doesn’t let itself be extended; it achieves significance only through death (…) But you have to choose: to live or to recount. For example, when I was in Hamburg, with that Erna girl whom I didn’t trust and who was afraid of me, I led a peculiar sort of live. But I was inside it, I didn’t think about it (…) That’s living. But when you tell about life, everything changes; only it’s a change nobody notices: the proof of that is that people talk about true stories. As if there could possibly be such a thing as true stories; events take place one way and we recount them the opposite way. You appear to begging at the beginning: ‘It was a fine autumn evening in 1922. I was a solicitor’s clerk at Marommes’. And in fact you have begun at the end. It is there invisible and present, and it is the end which gives these few words the pomp and the value of a beginning … and we have the impression that the hero lived all the details of that night like annunciations, promises or even that he lived only those that were promises, blind and deaf to everything that did not herald adventure. We forget that the future was not yet there; the fellow was walking in a darkness devoid of portents, a night which offered him its monotonous riches pell-mell, and he made no choice.(…) I wanted the moments of my life to follow one another in an orderly fashion like those of a life remembered. You might as well catch time by the tail”. (Sartre, p.58-63)
The dismantling of the organic narrative by the avant-garde movements was interpreted by Lukács as a drawback in the evolution of a social realism. He endorses the organic work of art (realist in his terminology) as a superior aesthetic model, and he discards the avant-gardiste approach as decadent. Lukács believed that only organic representations in the novel could generate meaningful changes in society. Criticising this “bad” reality, the non-organic aspects inherent to the modernist works, he claims that: “a similar attenuation of reality underlies Joyce’s stream of consciousness. It is, of course, intensified where the stream of consciousness is itself the medium thought which reality is presented. And it is carried ad absurdum where the stream of consciousness is that of an idiot - consider the first part of Faulkner’s Sound and Fury or, still a more extreme case, Beckett’s Molloy.”[2]. Later developments in the novel made Lukács reconsider his position, he talks about his misjudgements and the actual reach of his theories in the preface to Theory of the Novel.

His methodology seems to adopt essential elements of Hegelian philosophy (confrontation classic vs. romantic) which he seems to have transposed to opposition between realistic vs. vanguadist. Lukács seems to go along with the Hegelian view, that the organic work constitutes the absolute artistic perfection. However while Hegel points his preferences towards Greek art, Lukács puts it in terms of the realistic novel. Unlike the German philosopher, who believed that the culmination of art belonged to the past, Lukács believes in the possibility of a social realism in the 20th century.

On the other hand, Adorno defends the avant-gardiste non-organicism work. He thinks the avant-garde expression is the only possible and authentic expression after 1848, and in spite of also having affinities with Hegelian thought, he avoids altogether the opposition that Lukács defended.

Both opinions seem to stem from Hegel’s notion of a historicized aesthetics, but unlike Lukács, who condemned the modernist novel as aesthetic regression, Adorno tries to show how the avant-guard presents itself as a historical necessity of alienation in late-capitalist society. It is Adorno’s opinion that measuring a modernist work up against the organic coherence of the classical and realistic work would be improper and theoretically unviable. While Lukács believed the avant-garde to be the alienation of the bourgeois intellectual in the face of the necessity of a socialistic transformation, Adorno does not compromise with this political point of view, and he reckons that any attempt to produce organic (realist for Lukács) novels, would be a regression, in a world that is not believed to be a “whole” anymore, even though the contents may say otherwise. (This means that no historical dialectics between form and content will be considered higher that the other). In a debate that is already historical in itself, there is no “correct” position.

By way of conclusion, I have tried to elaborate a reading of Sartre’s Nausea highlighting its fictional characteristics. However I acknowledge the philosophical intents the author had and how he used this novel largely as a vehicle to conveys his system of ideas. As a modernist novel I sustain that Nausea still conforms to some traces of the traditional novel structure, specially if contrasted with later modernist textual experimentation. I opposed it to Samuel Beckett’s Molloy to stress remains of organicity in the story.

In spite of the questionings the protagonist Antoine Roquentin goes through, on the whole, the sartrian novel seems unable to transpose his ideas to the form of the novel, and creates a feel of “artificiality” with a denouement that does not become the material he stirred. I also approximated Nausea and Molloy by means of a scene where a textual conversation seems to be going on. Although the modernist project constituted an invective on the institutionalised bourgeoisie art, and its modes of representation; the outcome seem to be that as far as this rupture can be pushed Literature is kept there for reference.

Bibliography
BARTHES, R. Le Degré Zéro de L´Écriture. Paris, Seuils,1964.

__________.The Rustle of Language. Transl. by Richard Howard. Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1989.

BECKETT, S. Molloy. London, Calder and Boyars, 1966.

BROOKER, P. et ali. Modernism/Postmodernism. Essex, Longman,1992.

SARTRE, J.P. Nausea. London, Penguin, 1963.

WILLIAMS, R. The Long Revolution. Ontario, Broadview Press, 2001.

Notes:

[1] First English translation in 1955.[2] IN: LUKÁCS, G. The Ideology of Modernism.

20051019

Gothic Discourse: in the cracks of reason (Daniel Serravalle de Sá, 2005)

The gothic lives in the cracks of Reason. A moment of bewilderment, a split second of disorientation that transports us outside recognisable boundaries. Textually, it is presented as a rhetorical effect which challenges the reader`s epistemological assurances. Order might immediately be called in again, by means of authorial explanation, bringing the readers to their senses and making the eerie instant recoil back to its crack. But the gothic will remain as a seed of uncertainty lodged in the foundation of Reason ready to stem again, or perhaps, wedge its way in deeper bringing the whole building down.

From this angle, the gothic constitutes a response to a disquietude; a reaction that takes place when we are pushed beyond familiar cultural limits. It is curious to note how this gothic cultural uneasiness frequently unfolds into political matters and questions of national identity. As a discourse the gothic began with English novelists in the 18th century, encompassing an answer to the anxiety caused by the French Revolution across the channel. With the proliferation of the novel in the 19th and 20th centuries, gothic images and conventions found their way around the world and, in the 21st century, they still linger on strongly in books and in the cinema. Although the gothic discourse is a trans-cultural and trans-historical phenomenon, its significance can only be recognised in a defined space and time. That is to say, the meanings and implications of these conventions have to be culturally and historically observed.

20051009

Gothic Villains (Daniel Serravalle de Sá , 2005)

As the setting of gothic novels is rarely Britain, the portraiture of Nature in them is mainly oriented by foreign geography. Displacing anxieties in time and space was a way of projecting on to the ‘other’, issues the Protestant tradition[1] did not want to approach in its own territory. From the margins of an Enlightenment culture, dramatising conflicts and uncertainties in the face of a fast-changing social and economic world, gothic became the standard vehicle for authors to address the aesthetic and political questions raised by the events of 1789 in France. British novelists re-interpreted the ghost of the 1688 revolution through the French Revolution, transferring their anxieties to distant countries and past times, setting their horror stories predominantly in Italy, and also in France and in Spain.

The development of capitalism, in this period of internal realignment and external revolution, would explain the success of this fiction which questions the constitution of the ‘real’, making way for a blend of fear and attraction, anxiety and desire, which seem to have characterised the relationship between the bourgeoisie and the aristocracy. The gothic novel exposes its ambivalences, by the intention of consolidating bourgeois values, such as domesticity, sentiment, virtue and family; alongside a fascination for medieval architecture, customs and values. Expressing admiration for a feudal world which was at the same time a source of tyranny, barbarism, and autocracy; lead to the creation of cruel and malevolent villains, who were either aristocrats or religious elements.

The events that take place in gothic novels are frequently depicted in an ironic manner. Outbursts against the inequities of overseas nations were a familiar cliché for the 18th century British reader. In this light, gothic novels can be considered novels of nationality, conveyed through the notion of ‘otherness’ in the story which contrasted with the ‘English’ beliefs. The gothic obsession with the Catholic clergy and aristocracy as repositories of evil represents the danger from the outside. By doing that, novelists helped to consolidate a national identity by creating a dichotomy between the multitude of British readers and the Continental, Catholic and often infamous characters. “Your picture is complete’, said he, ‘and I cannot but admire the facility with which you have classed the monks together with banditti” (The Italian, p.50) says the wicked friar Schedoni, outwitting the young hero Vivaldi and relativising the certainties. Only gothic villains are capable of great evil and yet maintain certain majesty of demeanour. In Northanger Abbey (1818), Jane Austen points out the limits of these conventions by reinscribing a parodical gothic novel in her own idiosyncratic form. She exposes the structure of gothic novels by satirising their stereotypical aspects.[2]

The reader usually takes sides from the very first description, in which they are made complicit with an ideological point of view. Frequently older and more experienced than the hero and heroine (as those Romanic nations were in relation to Britain), the villain’s physical complexion is described as dark, and usually there is something disturbing or magnetic about him. Drawing attention to the features is a way of proposing contrast with the ‘fair’ English type. This initial cue serves as a hook to introduce a whole national statement, where the narrator will make use of images and linguistic subtleties to create a rapport with the readers. The appearance of the padre Ambrosio in The Monk (1796)[3] exemplifies:

He was a Man of noble port and commanding presence. His stature was lofty, and his features uncommonly handsome. His Nose was aquiline, his eyes large black and sparkling, and his dark brows almost joined together. His complexion was of a deep but clear Brown; Study and watching had entirely deprived his cheek of colour. Tranquillity reigned upon his smooth unwrinkled forehead; and Content, expressed upon every feature, seemed to announce the Man equally unacquainted with cares and crimes.
(The Monk, vol. I, chapter I, pp. 8-9)

Ambrosio personifies the Mediterranean physical stereotype, although he is young and rather inexperienced at this point in the novel, all his wickedness will soon show through. His respectable public persona contrasts with his depraved intimacy. The villain’s corruption, allied with his obsessive fiery nature, inclined to outbreaks of rage, is a constant in almost all gothic novels. In spite of the antagonists’ studied self-control, they are naturally aggressive and their untamed ardour will often breakthrough the veneer of their composed appearance, taking them from the ‘summit of exultation to the abyss of despondency’ (The Romance of the Forest, p.317), note the metaphor of the landscape here. The propensity for violence, immorality and general tantrums by the villain underpins a central idea in the construct of ‘otherness’ that characterises the gothic. The way these novels debate alterity and differences is by demonising the other. Depicting the ‘other’ in such a sinful manner has implications. It leads readers to believe in, or at least entertain the idea of a general ‘righteousness’ on behalf of the British nation, in which ‘virtue’ is a code for ‘civilisation’. In that light, gothic novels contributed to the construction of the British national and institutional identity. Ultimately, they address the question of nationality by means of promoting racial, religious, cultural and institutional distinctions.

These antagonists will fulfil their cultural role. As they are expected to be, villains are shifty characters, a mark of their cunning. Their behaviour and discourse will mould itself to suit the occasion. Gothic antagonists will rely on intimidation, trickery, and even flattery to achieve their aims. Spurred by deceitfulness Schedoni adopts a suave tone with the Marchesa di Vivaldi.

‘To what do you allude, righteous father’ enquired the astonished Marchesa; ‘what indignity, what impiety has my son to answer for? I entreat you will speak explicitly, that I may prove I can lose the mother in the strict severity of the judge.’
‘That is spoken with the grandeur of sentiment, which has always distinguished you, my daughter! Strong minds perceive that justice is the highest of the moral attributes, mercy is only the favourite of weak ones’

(The Italian, vol. I, chapter X, p. 111)

This scene shows how Schedoni appropriates the sentimental jargon of the heroine and uses it for his own benefit. His rhetorical mastery induces the Marchesa to side with him. On the narrative level, Schedoni’s sudden mockery of the hero and heroine’s naiveté reveals Radcliffe’s command of her writing. In these moments, she is exposing her structure with this teasing, showing that ‘moral attributes’ are a pose rather than a genuine feeling. In the villain, this kind of self-interested wickedness is largely linked to the study of the history of the Venetian Serenissima Republica, then an archetypal example of oligarchic despotism outside the Far East.[4] The Venetian ‘republic’ was based on slavery, midwifery of finances and totalitarism. To a certain extent gothic novelists constructed this ‘other’ by capitalising on notions of political expediency stemming from the trade practices of Venice. Texts like Machiavelli’s The Prince (1513) also contributed to this stereotyping of Italians, frequently represented as shady and deceitful people. Shakespeare also used the theme in Othello, the Moor of Venice (16o1) and the idea lingered at least as far as Schiller’s ‘gothic’ re-reading of the subject in Der Geisterseher (1786-9), published in three parts over three years. In 1792, Heinrich Zschokke created a double aristocrat/mercenary antagonist in The Bravo of Venice (1805), a gothic type tale translated from the German by Mathew Lewis. The story confirms Venice as a centre of political corruption and treachery, but it also addresses a noteworthy shift in the villain’s typical identity. The dual character Abellino/Flodoardo represented simultaneously the dark side of nobility and a rich thirst for adventure. He is an entrepreneurial fortune seeker, in a bourgeois way.

In this respect, the Italian villain functions as a depository for social apprehensions, fluctuating between the evil aristocrat and the evil bourgeois (or both in Zschokke’s case), depending on the writer’s view. However, as Fred Botting points out, villains are rarely the cause of evil themselves; real vice is identified as an institutional problem.[5] The power of Venetian cultural and political ideology reached down into the modern era, even after the Serenissima collapsed. Paradoxically, it became the precise method of the British nation’s imperial project, encapsulated in the guiding principle dividi et impera (divide and rule). In the 19th century, the winged lion from Piazza di San Marco turned into the British lion at the service of the Queen, continuously vigilant in several public places and buildings in London.[6]

Watchful eyes were a preferred symbol of authoritarian behaviour, an attribute particularly suitable when dealing with themes related to power, oppression and tyranny. In fact, piercing eyes seem to be a common feature employed to represent these degenerate gothic banditti who ‘seemed to penetrate, at a single glance, into the hearts of men, and to read their most secret thoughts; few persons could support their scrutiny, or even endure to meet them twice’ (The Italian, p. 35). Throughout gothic novels we can find examples of browbeating, overpowering eyes. Ambrosio, in The Monk, exhibits ‘a certain severity in his look and manner that inspired universal awe and few could sustain the glance of his eye at once fiery and penetrating’ (p. 9). Melmoth had a ‘full-lighted blaze of those demon eyes’ (Melmoth, the wanderer,1820, p. 12).[7] The caliph Vathek (Vathek, 1786)[8] was a pleasing figure, but when enraged ‘one of his eyes became so terrible, that no person could bear to behold it’ (p. 2). It is curious that Vathek seems to have just one menacing eye, perhaps a bit of Beckfordian humour jesting at the cyclopic nature of totalising, authoritarian governments.

As mentioned before, gothic characters are generally not psychologically profound; the great majority remains unchanged in thought and resolution throughout the story. Their thoughts are rarely disclosed to the reader and their voices are heard mostly within dialogues. The use of the third person, instead of the first, makes the whole reading experience less dramatic. Although these subjective incursions are not taken very far, perhaps the villains can be considered as the only characters that undergo some internal conflict. These poor psychological deliberations (a step back in comparison to Lovelace) become especially evident in their final punishment, when their personalities swing between sinfulness and absolution. Unfortunately, all the defiance the villains displayed throughout the novel is invariably subdued at the end. It is my opinion that some of the skilful construction of gothic villains is harmed ultimately due to a ‘Puritan’ regret and exoneration.

Although he manages to poison his rival friar, a dying and weak Schedoni ends his participation as a bent and curbed antagonist. Overthrown, Manfred (The Castle of Otranto, 1764) also regrets his vileness and withdraws to a life of seclusion. The caliph Vathek blames his mother for putting boundless ambition in his heart. His repentance comes too late, as his heart will burn forever in the Hell of the Giaour. The padre Ambrosio, who sold his soul to the devil, also cries for divine mercy. The Daemon, infuriated by his sobbing, takes him for a vertiginous flight and then drops him from the heights. In agony, he is left to die for seven days, pestered by flies and scavengers, until a torrent finally washes his carcase away. Public confessions, sudden changes of heart and final repentances bend these narratives to moral conclusions. In order to re-establish balance in the social fabric, it is not enough to punish Evil, but it is also necessary to end the villains participation with a penitent ‘I am sorry for what I have done’ in order to secure the appropriate ethical conditions in the dénouement. This apologetic condition is prevalent in the ‘classical’ English gothic, despite the minor variations concerning how it happens. As a reaction against the international power represented by the Catholic Church, the repentance of the villain reaffirms the honourable political, social and religious track of British identity. It reinforces the idea of national construction by opposition of values and cultures. These sometimes rather blunt, last minute accommodations of interests, seem also to mirror political resolutions taken at the time, which assisted the ‘landed’ and the ‘monied’ interests[9] in finding ways to keep the upper classes in power.

[1] Sage interprets Protestantism as a social ‘cement’, ‘a common set of doctrines which hold English culture together’. IN: Victor Sage. Horror Fiction in the Protestant Tradition. London: Macmillan, 1988 (p. xiii).
[2] I am referring here to the famous passage in which Henry Tilney reprehends Catherine Morland for indulging in absurd gothic fantasies, after all she should ‘Remember the country and the age in which we live. Remember that we are English, that we are Christians.’ IN: Jane Austen. Northanger Abbey. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985 (chapter XXIV, p. 199).[3] Mathew Lewis. The Monk. London: The Folio Society, 1984. All subsequent quotations taken from this edition. References in parenthesis.
[4] There are many different literary images in the depiction of Venice. Sage discusses paradoxes in the city’s literary representations (e.g. Venice the Rich, Venice the Wise, Venice the Just, Venice, citta galante and Black Venice). I take here the ‘Black Venice’ as a part of the representational model of the gothic. IN: ‘Black Venice: Conspiracy and Narrative Masquerade in Schiller, Zschokke, Lewis, and Hoffman’. Still unpublished.
[5] Fred Botting. The Gothic. London: Routledge, 1996 (p. 89).[6] The similarities between the Venetian and the British symbols are my observations.
[7] Charles Maturin. Melmoth, the wanderer. London: Penguin, 2000. All references from this edition.
[8] William Beckford. Vathek. London: Oxford University Press, 1970. All references from this edition.
[9] The ‘landed’ interest was represented by the aristocracy and the ‘monied’ interest by the up-and-coming bourgeoisie. IN: Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France (p. 52).

Ann Radcliffe, the great enchantress (Daniel Serravalle de Sá, 2005)

When The Italian first came out, in 1797, it soon achieved a huge popular success. Its publication contributed to consolidate Ann Radcliffe’s celebrity, but previous honours and glory were already conferred to the lady known as ‘Queen of Romance’. For this novel, considered by some the roof and crown of her work, Mrs. Radcliffe received the sum of 800 pounds[1], a substantial amount for the time and significantly more than any other novelist was being paid. ‘The Great Enchantress’, as she was also known, rejoiced then in a comfortable position. She was an established affluent writer, acclaimed by the public and famous for her captivating books.

Following her first novel, The Castles of Athlin and Dunbayne (1789), Ann Radcliffe published A Sicilian Romance (1790), which was regarded by Sir Walter Scott as the first English poetical novel[2]. This was succeed by The Romance of the Forest (1791). Then came The Mysteries of Udolpho (1794), upon which her literary reputation greatly rests, it is regarded as a masterpiece of the genre.

Ann Radcliffe seemed to be a rare case of pleasing both public and critic. She often received favourable attention from the reviewers who approved her ‘correctness of sentiment’, her ‘elegance of style’ and ‘proper characterisation’. This reverence towards her work was due to her postulation of traditional ideals amidst an uproar of new ones, a stand much valorised by right-wing parties of that English society. Mrs. Radcliffe was quite conservative in her views, she was not a writer who aimed at questioning the established order, and by the end of her stories she would have conveyed a message of bourgeois moral, value and domesticity, according to the 18th century historical understandings.

However, this mannerly veneration of her books was not an unanimous practice. Some aspects of her style disappointed the critical reception and were severely scrutinised by the faultfinders. Instead of praising, they alluded to the fact her latter literary production was inferior to the former. Opposing criticism pointed out her formulas of ‘explained supernatural’ were growing tiring and predictable from overuse. Essays published in literary magazines stated her ‘suspense technique’ aroused the reader so high that, in the outcome, it could not fulfil expectations. It was also noted in these reviews her talent for description was ‘exhaustive’ and ‘excessive’. Fred Botting points out the ambivalence concerning this matter: “These criticism of the novel’s excess point to a contradiction between style and project of the novel which as to warn against the danger of excess”[3]. Nevertheless, in the turn of the18th century Mrs. Radcliffe’s books were indisputable best sellers. She had become the most read author of her time, positively excelling at landscaping painting and at portraying of villainies.

She was born Ann Ward in 1764, the very year Sir Horace Walpole was publishing The Castle of Otranto. Her father, William Ward, was a haberdasher in London, though, he and his wife had contacts in artistic circles. When her family moved to Bath (1772), she may have attended a school run by Sophia and Harriet Lee[4] and been influenced to write gothic fiction. In 1787, she married the lawyer William Radcliffe, who later in life became proprietor of English Chronicle and who is credited to have encouraged her in writing ventures. From 1789 to 1797 she wrote the works that made her a respected novelist and poet. However, Ann Radcliffe interrupted her career at this point and never, herself, published a book again. She withdrew from the literary scene and lived a secluded life.

Her literary production include more titles, still, they made little success when compared to the novels previously mentioned. Mrs. Radcliffe was a travel enthusiast and wrote a book of her tour through Holland and Germany, A Journey Made in the Summer of 1794..., published in 1795. Gaston de Blondeville was written in 1801, but only published posthumously in 1826. Earlier on, Ode to Terror (1810) was published, in which it was declared that Ann Radcliffe had gone insane and died of the ‘terrors’. In 1816, she was assumed dead, and a compilation of her verse came out, The Poems of Ann Radcliffe. In later life Ann Radcliffe suffered from asthma and died on 7th February 1823. It was claimed in the Monthly Review that ‘she died in a state of mental desolation not to be described’.

Roger Lonsdale[5] offers an explanation for Mrs. Radcliffe early retirement. Based on a 1802 report by Charlotte Smith, Lonsdale sustains her husband restrained her from calling anymore ‘spirits from the vastly deep’ of her imagination. She was also said to have inherited property from her parents in 1798 and 1800, so she may have had less financial motivation, furthermore, she suffered from and old -fashioned uneasiness about being a professional author. From a different perspective J.M.S. Tompkins[6] demonstrates she retired mainly due to disapprobation with the ways gothic fiction writing had trodden. A trend of gothic based on the German type of novel, Schauerroman, introduced blunt terror and heavy handed violence, contrasting with the subtle thrills of the English mode. In order to disassociated herself from the extravagant mob gothic novels had become, she dropped the pen. However, the actual reason why Mrs. Radcliffe, having reached such a high degree of success, retired from the writing business, remains more mysterious than any of her mysteries.


[1] CLERY, E.J. Research Fellow in English at Sheffield Hallam University, wrote the introduction and notes on The Italian edition I used for this work, he reckons it would be worth £ 60,000 today.[2] Ibid, Ibidem.
[3] BOTTING, Fred. Gothic. London, Routledge, 1996 (p.67).
[4] E.J. Cleary. Notes on The Italian.
[5] LONSDALE, Roger(ed.). Eighteenth-Century Women Poets. Oxford, Oxford University Press,1990. (p.449)
[6] TOMPKINS, J.M.S. The Popular Novel in England 1770-1800. London, Methuen & CO LTD, 1961(p.247).